Download PDF The 12 pillars of competitiveness We define competitiveness as the set of institutions, policies, and factors that determine the level of productivity of a country. The level of productivity, in turn, sets the level of prosperity that can be reached by an economy. The productivity level also determines the rates of return obtained by investments in an economy, which in turn are the fundamental drivers of its growth rates. In other words, a more competitive economy is one that is likely to grow faster over time.
Nothing about this picture is new or controversial. Some may worry about it more than others, but it is now commonly accepted that the US is downsizing its international role, and that the administration, the Congress, and the general public are more absorbed with domestic concerns than with foreign challenges or threats.
One important question we face today, however, more than five years into the Obama presidency, is whether the current policy of retrenchment is a standard correction after Leadership role in globalized world period of maximalism, or something else.
But public attitudes and resource constraints will nonetheless probably prevent any administration from swinging too far in the opposite direction. An expansive maximalist policy would risk making commitments that exceed our power and resources, and in any event it is not what is needed to achieve balance between realism—meaning the defense of our critical national interests—and idealism—meaning the advance of democracy and freedom in the world.
The first challenge—reaffirming the historic American commitment to freedom in the world—involves making it clear that we will do whatever we can to support people fighting for fundamental rights, even as we recognize that they must take responsibility for their own success or failure.
For many reasons, democracy is seen to be on the defensive today. In fact, though, the prospect for democracy in the world is actually much more promising than it appears, and there are opportunities for progress in the years ahead that could be encouraged by a more forward-leaning policy.
The number of electoral democracies now stands at one hundred and twenty-two countries, just one below the high-water mark of one hundred and twenty-three reached in and four more than in It also appears that Tunisia could become the first Arab democracy, a beachhead in the region of the world most resistant to democratic change.
The road ahead for such reform movements and civic groups working for democratic change will be long and very difficult, but they are a natural by-product of a world in which people have more access to information and higher aspirations and will not disappear. The challenge for the United States is to help create the conditions that will allow such movements to survive and to grow.
Institutions already exist to provide them with material and technical assistance.
|Methodology||September 30,7: That is, not unless you believe that globalization is mainly about international trade and investment.|
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The National Endowment for Democracy, which I oversee, is one of them. As important as it is to support people on the front lines of the struggle for freedom, however, such support will not be meaningful if the United States is perceived as a declining power in retreat from the world.
Democracy will not be able to advance in the absence of a stable international order, and such conditions cannot exist if they are not underwritten by American leadership. This does not mean draining our resources by getting bogged down in distant wars.
But it does mean backing up our diplomacy with military power and deterrence, in the absence of which we will have little leverage in negotiations with countries that do not share our commitment to peace and the rule of law. Why should they negotiate seriously if they feel they have the option of achieving their objectives by other means, including the use of force?
Committing ourselves to preserving US leadership in the world is, therefore, the second major challenge for US policy. This is not an expression of American arrogance or a reckless form of overreaching. Rather, it is the recognition of a fundamental geopolitical reality.
But continued US primacy is simply not possible unless we address a third critical challenge, which is to bring the spiraling US public debt under control. While there are many reasons for the continuing surge in public debt, including the fiscal crisis and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the principal factor has been the growth of entitlement spending, which has gone from less than one-third of the federal budget a half-century ago to more than two-thirds today.
In the words of Robert J.The Connective Leadership™ / Achieving Styles™ Model. In a world where inclusion is critical and connection inevitable, the Institute offers sound, realistic alternatives for improving leadership practice, stimulating innovation, encouraging “ hot groups,” implementing change, and dealing with crisis.
The Institute’s unique Connective Leadership™ Model, based on the underlying. Join the Movement: Help Your University Build Inclusive Admission Practices. Higher education institutions can play a key role in providing these desperately needed opportunities to help the most vulnerable youth continue their education.
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As companies globalize and look for more specialized skills, the role of the recruiter becomes more and more important. The affiliative leadership approach, based on Matthew , is the essence of servant leadership as the “style revolves around people - its proponents value individuals and their emotions more than tasks and goals” (Goleman, , p.
84). Societies around the world have experienced a flood of information from diverse channels originating beyond local communities and even national borders, transmitted through the rapid expansion of cosmopolitan communications.